Hydraulic Realities & Proposal for New Provinces in Punjab: Post # 30

Hydraulic Realities & New Provinces

Most of the old civilizations have flourished within famous river basins. As evident from the old relics of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro, the Indus Basin Civilization also followed the same pattern. We observe similarities of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro as testimony of a similar socio-economic development and culture within the Indus Basin. However, as the time passed by, other factors such as language, religion and power games drew new administrative lines within a hydraulic unit like a river basin. These lines appeared artificial at the initial stages but they became realities over time.

For example, Punjab, a land within five main tributaries of the Indus River, was mainly partitioned based on Muslim and non-Muslim population in 1947. However, this was also a partitioning of a river basin and Pakistan is still trying to manage its consequences as far as its water resources are concerned. Because all the main tributaries, except the Kabul River, originate from the territories under Indian control, the vulnerability of major part of the Indus Basin in Pakistan is a huge threat to live forever.

Another fact on ground is that we missed an opportunity to take up and resolve water related issues through an arbitrational tribunal formed at the time of independence due to the connivance of our opponents and incompetency of on our own part. In spite of all fair and unfair referred happenings, still, trans-boundary water resources were negotiated and agreed as early as 1960. However, resolution of water distribution among main stakeholders like Punjab and Sindh has a long history starting from the nineteenth century that culminated by signing the Water Apportionment Accord in 1991.

Of course, in 1947, we were not entirely in position to control all the events that happened and, as consequence, India shocked us by blocking water to Pakistan in 1948. But, where we had full control within Pakistan, our record of settling water disputes is not that enviable either. Even after Water Apportionment Accord of 1991, we are still not out of woods as we are facing many difficulties in water distribution among four provinces.

For me, it is surprising to observe that many well known intellectuals, while writing about creating new provinces in Punjab, are hardly mentioning the realities created by having separate country, partitioning of Indus River basin in 1947 and development of new infrastructure to cope with the consequences that resulted because we could not pay enough attention to the significance of hydraulic boundaries.  Are we cursed not to learn from our troubled past?

Let us take example of an old princely state of Bahawalpur; its only lifeline is the Sutlej River. After 1947, for all practical purposes, this has become a dysfunctional river. If someone has a doubt, just stand on its bridge near Bahawalpur to witness a river of sand all the way.  Similarly, the Ravi River has become a dirty drain to carry just effluents of many big cities of Punjab.

Another ground reality is that most irrigation canals have their head-works in central Punjab and they irrigate huge areas of central and southern Punjab except those canals that are served from barrages like Trimmu, Sidhnai amd Mailsi Siphon on the Indus tributaries and Jinnah, Chashma and Taunsa on the main Indus. In order to avoid having Cholistan and Thal type deserts everywhere in the entire new province in Punjab, experts and intellectuals must find proactive solutions for such potentially dangerous outcome. 

After the division of the Indus Basin, rivers are also divided. According to the Indus Water Treaty and some defense compulsions resulted into constructing link canals connecting functional rivers to dysfunctional rivers of Punjab. Again because of the laws of nature, except for four link-canals, all other six such canals are located right in central Punjab. Since Sindh has serious reservations about the operations of Chashma-Jhelum Link canal, southern Punjab will have full control on Tausa-Punjnand link canal only.

 If we know about routine bickering between Sindh and Balochistan over water delivery from one canal taking off from Sukker Barrage, what about the extent of dozens of canals that will generate similar mistrust among the beneficiaries of central and southern Punjab.  Of course, we can close our eyes for the time being and refuse to address them, but realities are realities and they will not change even if they are ignored.

On the top of all the hydraulic complexities referred above, are we going to re-open the Pandora-box of water distribution again? Sure, it is bound to happen. It took more than a century to settle this dispute; can Pakistan afford and survive another century of blaming each other for committing “genocide” in their respective regions? Moreover, such disputes will cause serious economic problems that may end up riots among “local” and “non-local” inhabitants of southern Punjab.

Being a person from southern Punjab I strongly believe that we can still address grievances of all less developed areas by going back to the devolution of power at lower levels and following resource distribution by having financial commissions / committees at provincial, districts, tehsils and union councils like we agreed under National Finance Commission. Before it is too late, our decision makers need to read what is clearly written on the wall. So, the most practical and hassle-free solution remains to implement a real devolution of power and moving the provincial capital immediately from Lahore to either of the following less congested and less developed cities in southern Punjab like Khaniwal, Vehari, Muzzafar Garh and Lodhran.

However, if we are bent upon to create new provinces, hydraulic boundaries must be given serious consideration along with addressing the concerns of Sindh regarding the Chasma-Jhelum Link Canal. A hydraulic boundary drawn by Chasma-Jhelum, Trimmu-Sidnai, Sidhnai-Mailsi and Bahwal Canal will make southern Punjab a relatively lesser vulnerable province as far as water resources are concerned. However, the success of this alternative will also depend on an amicable settlement of water sharing among all stake holders and establishment of effective district government system with an assured financial resource distribution under a devolution plan of powers at lower levels.